The Democrat socialist dream for America
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Let's see if @christiefan915 can explain.
My guess is that she'll say, well, some men in the Crusades raped women too, or a variant thereof.
Fascinating. This happens in other countries and all they do is focus on Democrats.
“Us” is anybody other than a MAGA, and it matters because as much as you and your fellow Red Hat Club and their tweets try to compare this to the US Ceula is 121 miles from Spain, 121 miles of open water
You cannot speak for anyone else, Anchovies.
The applicability of the situation unfolding in Ceuta (note the correct spelling, Anchovies) to America's illegal immigration woes seems obvious to me.
BTW, Ceuta is Spanish territory.
Poor Anchovies.
Explain why an American concerned about the events in Ceuta might have reason to extrapolate that city's imbroglio to our own country's immigration woes.
A sudden, large-scale breach of a small territory’s capacity, enabled partly by legal constraints on returns, offers a concrete illustration of how policy, incentives, and neighbor-state dynamics can produce rapid overload—issues that map onto longstanding U.S. border debates.
In late July 2026, tens of thousands of people (estimates ranging from roughly 50,000 by Spain’s Interior Ministry to as high as 60,000 by Ceuta’s local leadership) crossed from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta over a short period, primarily by swimming around a breakwater or forcing land points. This was equivalent to roughly 60–70% of the city’s normal population of about 83,000–85,000. Dozens died (reports of 34 to 57 on the Spanish side alone, from drowning or crushing), reception systems were overwhelmed (including facilities for unaccompanied minors operating at extreme multiples of capacity), streets and parks filled with people, and Spanish authorities deployed military reinforcements. Most of those who entered later returned voluntarily or were processed for return, but the episode produced immediate chaos, political recriminations, and ripple effects across the EU (including Italy suspending Schengen arrangements with Spain and France tightening its own border checks). Spanish officials attributed the surge in significant part to traffickers and social-media rumors exploiting a recent Supreme Court ruling that limited summary returns of people intercepted at sea while trying to reach Ceuta or Melilla.
An American focused on U.S. immigration pressures has several direct reasons to see relevant parallels rather than a purely distant European problem:
None of this requires claiming the situations are identical—Ceuta is a tiny enclave with a land and short sea border against a single neighbor, while the U.S. manages a long land border, maritime approaches, and a far larger absolute volume of encounters over time. The useful extrapolation is narrower and more practical: when legal or operational constraints reduce the ability to deter or rapidly return irregular entrants, and when a neighboring jurisdiction’s controls loosen or are perceived to loosen, mass movements can materialize faster than local systems can absorb them. For Americans already worried about sustained high encounter numbers, backlogs, fiscal and service burdens on cities and states, and the difficulty of restoring deterrence once expectations shift, Ceuta supplies a recent, high-visibility case study of how those dynamics can play out at extreme speed.
grok.com
Explain why an American concerned about the events in Ceuta might have reason to extrapolate that city's imbroglio to our own country's immigration woes.
A sudden, large-scale breach of a small territory’s capacity, enabled partly by legal constraints on returns, offers a concrete illustration of how policy, incentives, and neighbor-state dynamics can produce rapid overload—issues that map onto longstanding U.S. border debates.
In late July 2026, tens of thousands of people (estimates ranging from roughly 50,000 by Spain’s Interior Ministry to as high as 60,000 by Ceuta’s local leadership) crossed from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta over a short period, primarily by swimming around a breakwater or forcing land points. This was equivalent to roughly 60–70% of the city’s normal population of about 83,000–85,000. Dozens died (reports of 34 to 57 on the Spanish side alone, from drowning or crushing), reception systems were overwhelmed (including facilities for unaccompanied minors operating at extreme multiples of capacity), streets and parks filled with people, and Spanish authorities deployed military reinforcements. Most of those who entered later returned voluntarily or were processed for return, but the episode produced immediate chaos, political recriminations, and ripple effects across the EU (including Italy suspending Schengen arrangements with Spain and France tightening its own border checks). Spanish officials attributed the surge in significant part to traffickers and social-media rumors exploiting a recent Supreme Court ruling that limited summary returns of people intercepted at sea while trying to reach Ceuta or Melilla.
An American focused on U.S. immigration pressures has several direct reasons to see relevant parallels rather than a purely distant European problem:
- Scale relative to local capacity and rapid overload. Ceuta is a compact territory. An influx of that magnitude in hours or a day or two is not gradual absorption; it is a shock that outruns housing, policing, medical care, and basic services. U.S. border communities, processing centers, and certain cities have repeatedly faced analogous surges that strain shelters, hospitals, schools, and local budgets far beyond normal operations. The visual and operational reality of a small jurisdiction suddenly hosting a population increase measured in tens of percent of its residents is an extreme version of the capacity arguments made about U.S. southern border encounters and secondary migration inland.
- Legal rulings and perceived opportunity as pull factors. The Spanish court decision narrowing the ability to conduct immediate “border rejection” returns of sea arrivals is widely cited as a proximate trigger that traffickers and migrants acted on. Parallel U.S. debates center on how court orders, asylum rules, parole authorities, catch-and-release practices, restrictions on expedited removal, or shifts in enforcement priorities can change expected outcomes and thereby influence volume. When the expected cost of an irregular attempt falls or the chance of remaining rises, flows can accelerate quickly—exactly the dynamic described in Ceuta.
- Neighbor-state control and external facilitation. Morocco sits on the other side of the fence and sea approaches. Past Ceuta/Melilla episodes have involved questions about the degree of Moroccan cooperation or restraint. The U.S. southern border involves Mexico’s enforcement posture, cartel control of routes, and the practical ability (or willingness) of Mexican authorities to interdict northbound movement. In both cases, the receiving country’s sovereignty and internal order depend partly on what happens on the far side of the line, and sudden changes in that control can produce surges.
- Gateway territory dynamics and onward movement. Ceuta is Spanish (hence EU) soil on the African continent. Entry there creates a pathway, at least in principle, toward the broader European space. U.S. discussions of ports of entry, got-aways, release into the interior, and subsequent secondary migration to cities nationwide rest on a similar logic: once the initial barrier is crossed or processed, the practical ability to remain and move onward rises. The Ceuta episode also prompted other European states to harden their own controls, illustrating how one jurisdiction’s loss of effective control quickly becomes a shared problem.
- Humanitarian costs, trafficker exploitation, and public order. Deaths by drowning and crushing, the role of organized facilitators, and the spectacle of streets filled with new arrivals while locals express alarm are not unique to North Africa. U.S. data and reporting regularly document deaths in the desert and river crossings, the profits of smuggling networks, and localized disorder or resource competition. The Spanish prime minister framed the episode as a “violation of Spain’s territorial integrity”; American arguments about border security as a core attribute of sovereignty use similar language.
- Political and institutional stress. The crisis forced military deployment, emergency language from local leaders, friction with other EU members, and rapid efforts at returns. U.S. immigration policy has likewise produced recurring federal-state tensions, resource fights, and arguments over whether enforcement tools are adequate or legally constrained.
None of this requires claiming the situations are identical—Ceuta is a tiny enclave with a land and short sea border against a single neighbor, while the U.S. manages a long land border, maritime approaches, and a far larger absolute volume of encounters over time. The useful extrapolation is narrower and more practical: when legal or operational constraints reduce the ability to deter or rapidly return irregular entrants, and when a neighboring jurisdiction’s controls loosen or are perceived to loosen, mass movements can materialize faster than local systems can absorb them. For Americans already worried about sustained high encounter numbers, backlogs, fiscal and service burdens on cities and states, and the difficulty of restoring deterrence once expectations shift, Ceuta supplies a recent, high-visibility case study of how those dynamics can play out at extreme speed.
Grok
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Not applicable as it hasn't occured here and no Democrats want the invasion.
But do keep on trolling.
But do keep on trolling.
MAGA Logic: Democrats want the Brown illegals to break in their homes and rape them.
Yeah, just like America Somoa is American territory, think we’d see all you MAGA tweeting away if thousand invaded American Somoa
Of course it “seems obvious” to you, shows people crashing over a border, makes for unlimited tweets comparing it to America’s border, even though Ceuta is 121 miles from Spain, 121 miles of open water, but as we know, facts mean little to Maga and their tweets
Is that so?
Who's "we", Anchovies?
"We" again, Anchovies?
T. A. Gardner
Serial Thread Killer
American Samoa is where the Pelosi's have their tuna canning factory that pays below minimum wage because Nasty Pelosi got a bill passed exempting Samoa from federal minimum wage laws...
