Tax cuts, not hikes, raise the tide for all

Truth Detector

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I am so tired of the ignorant leftists and their clamor for autocratic Marxist Government control and claim they need to tax billionaires to balance their budgets.

Nothing could be further from the truth. The budget is heading towards $7 trillion. If you taxed ALL of the income of every billionaire in the country it wouldn't cover it.

The top 1% in the country pay 40% of all federal income taxes.

The top 10% pay 70%.

The bottom 50% pay 3%.

We do not have a revenue problem. We have a SPENDING problem. A lesson leftists appear to be too stupid to comprehend.

Tax cuts, not hikes, raise the tide for all

President Ronald Reagan made history 45 years ago when he signed the largest tax cuts ever at his beloved California Rancho del Cielo. His actions were part of a major economic boom that lasted well past his presidency into the next decade.

Prior to his election in 1980, Americans faced stagflation, a mixture of stagnant economic growth, very high unemployment and rapidly increasing inflation. Typically, inflation and unemployment move in different directions, but both rose dramatically during President Jimmy Carter’s administration.


During the 1980 campaign, candidate Reagan made this issue the centerpiece when asking Americans if they were better off than they had been four years earlier. They were not.

Reagan told people: “Recession is when your neighbor loses his job. Depression is when you lose yours. And recovery is when Jimmy Carter loses his.”

The voters responded, with Reagan carrying 40 of the 50 states. It was a blowout that gave him a resounding mandate. He used it to take swift action, including passage of his tax cuts with the support of many Democrats, who held the majority in the U.S. House of Representatives.


The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 was signed on August 13 of that year. It lowered federal income tax brackets across the board by about 25%. Prior to the reductions, the top marginal income tax rate was 70%. When combined with the Reagan tax cuts five years later, the top rate went down to 28%.

President John F. Kennedy had pushed for similar tax cuts two decades earlier. His plan was passed in 1964 and moved the highest income bracket from 91% to 70%. The lowest income bracket fell from 20% to 14%.

The original income tax cut champions were President Warren Harding and President Calvin Coolidge, who took over after Warren’s death. They slashed the top marginal rates down to 25% a century ago. The Roaring ’20s saw robust economic expansion, reduced unemployment and federal budget surpluses. That would be something to see today.

Dr. Arthur Laffer frequently speaks with students through a partnership with Young America’s Foundation. A key economic adviser to Reagan, he is considered the father of supply-side economics, which holds that economic growth comes from making more goods and services. Lower taxes and less red tape help businesses produce more.

The extensive research of Dr. Laffer and his colleagues showed that high taxes caused capital flight, stagnation and tax avoidance as earners shifted their focus away from real economic activity.

In contrast, good things happened during the era of tax cuts pushed by Presidents Harding, Coolidge, Kennedy and Reagan.

Dr. Laffer has consistently argued that high tax rates crush productivity and shrink the tax base, while tax cuts spur output, employment and overall prosperity by rewarding production and investment. His explanation of the sweet spot for taxation is commonly referred to as the “Laffer Curve.”

Here in Wisconsin, we call it the Kohl’s Curve. In fact, I was at the Kohl’s store near our home in Delafield tonight with my wife, who was returning a few items she purchased via Amazon and buying some other items.

Years ago, I learned from Tonette to wait to buy things at Kohl’s until they’ve gone on sale. Then we have used a coupon to drop the price further. Often, we lower the cost even more with something called Kohl’s Cash.

How does a major retailer like Kohl’s make any money if it keeps lowering the price of merchandise? Volume.

Kohl’s and other retailers could keep prices high and make more money per product — but sell a small number of items. Or it can lower the price, making less per product but more overall by dramatically increasing sales volume. Most successful retainers fit into the second category. Hence, the Kohl’s Curve.

Lowering tax rates puts more money into the hands of people who invest those dollars into more jobs, higher pay and greater productivity. Dr. Laffer notes that history shows that low-income earners actually fare better when tax rates are lower on the top income brackets. They fare worse when these go up.

As Dr. Laffer states, these are not opinions; they are the facts. Think about them the next time a democratic socialist launches into a “Tax the rich” tirade.

We need to teach high school students basic economics (along with objective American and world history) so they can make informed decisions — and not solely emotional ones.


 
Yea well the only problem with that argument for supply side economics is when did this prediction or any supply side prediction ever happen that the actual data can independently verify?

It sure as hell hasn’t happened in the last 40 years according to the data. The actual data has shown stagnant economic growth for working and middle class households with some growth for the upper middle class when adjusted for inflation for the last 40+ years. That’s not including the increase in the costs of housing, transportation, health care and post secondary education that have risen multiple times the rate of inflation.

So when and where did this rising of all boats happen? I sure as he’ll haven’t seen it. Not in this country. Not in the last 45 years. What I’ve seen from the data is the Champaign Glass stem of economic inequality growing thinner and thinner with the predicted political instability that it accurately predicted.

That’s the problem with you supply siders is that not once under supply side economics policy has any of their predictions come true, been empirically observed or independently verified.

Which means you supply siders are guilty of the same thing as socialists. You adhere to utterly failed economic policies that only really benefit those at the very top of the socioeconomic classes.
 
Yea well the only problem with that argument for supply side economics is when did this prediction or any supply side prediction ever happen that the actual data can independently verify?

It sure as hell hasn’t happened in the last 40 years according to the data. The actual data has shown stagnant economic growth for working and middle class households with some growth for the upper middle class when adjusted for inflation for the last 40+ years. That’s not including the increase in the costs of housing, transportation, health care and post secondary education that have risen multiple times the rate of inflation.

So when and where did this rising of all boats happen? I sure as he’ll haven’t seen it. Not in this country. Not in the last 45 years. What I’ve seen from the data is the Champaign Glass stem of economic inequality growing thinner and thinner with the predicted political instability that it accurately predicted.

That’s the problem with you supply siders is that not once under supply side economics policy has any of their predictions come true, been empirically observed or independently verified.

Which means you supply siders are guilty of the same thing as socialists. You adhere to utterly failed economic policies that only really benefit those at the very top of the socioeconomic classes.
Perhaps if the fraud and fat were removed from the system, things would benefit all classes. Find me an efficient, well-run government program, one that is not top heavy with managers managing managers. Every government program is ripe for fraud, as discovered when Trump came into office.

The entire system needs an enema.
 
Yea well the only problem with that argument for supply side economics is when did this prediction or any supply side prediction ever happen that the actual data can independently verify?

It sure as hell hasn’t happened in the last 40 years according to the data. The actual data has shown stagnant economic growth for working and middle class households with some growth for the upper middle class when adjusted for inflation for the last 40+ years. That’s not including the increase in the costs of housing, transportation, health care and post secondary education that have risen multiple times the rate of inflation.

So when and where did this rising of all boats happen? I sure as he’ll haven’t seen it. Not in this country. Not in the last 45 years. What I’ve seen from the data is the Champaign Glass stem of economic inequality growing thinner and thinner with the predicted political instability that it accurately predicted.

That’s the problem with you supply siders is that not once under supply side economics policy has any of their predictions come true, been empirically observed or independently verified.

Which means you supply siders are guilty of the same thing as socialists. You adhere to utterly failed economic policies that only really benefit those at the very top of the socioeconomic classes.


Mott the Hoople’s reply is a standard, blunt supply-side critique that lands some real points on distribution and relative prices, but overstates stagnation, treats the last 40–45 years as a single failed experiment, and does not engage the specific historical episodes the OP quoted.


The OP (Truth Detector) posted Scott Walker’s Washington Times column arguing that rate cuts under Harding/Coolidge, Kennedy, and Reagan expanded output and that “low-income earners actually fare better when tax rates are lower on the top.” Mott’s #2 post rejects that as unverified prediction: working- and middle-class real growth has been stagnant for 40+ years, key living costs have risen far faster than CPI, the “rising tide” never showed up, inequality looks like a thinning champagne-glass stem, and supply-siders are therefore in the same boat as socialists—adhering to policies that mainly help the top.


What the reply gets right​


Real median hourly wages for typical workers grew slowly after the late 1970s relative to productivity. EPI-style series put cumulative real median wage growth since 1979 in the high-20s percent range—far below economy-wide productivity. Production/nonsupervisory wage series often look even flatter from the early-1970s peak until the tight labor markets of the late 2010s and post-2020 period. That is the core of the “stagnation for the working and middle class” claim.


Inequality rose. Household Gini moved from the mid-0.34s around 1980 to the low-0.42s recently. Pre-tax top-1% income shares increased; after-tax measures show a smaller but still visible rise. The champagne-glass image is the usual visualization of that concentration. Housing, college sticker prices, and healthcare have outrun general CPI by a wide margin over four decades (tuition and fees often several times CPI). Those relative-price shifts are why a modest rise in measured real income can still feel like no progress for households facing those bills.


Tax cuts of the Reagan/Bush/Trump type have not fully paid for themselves in revenue. Dynamic effects exist (labor supply, realization of capital gains, some investment), but the bulk of the literature finds partial recoupment, not self-financing. Deficits and debt rose after the major rate-cut episodes even when growth was decent. Mott is on solid ground treating “the predictions” as oversold if the prediction was that the middle would share equally in the gains and that the fiscal math would close.


Where it overreaches​


“Stagnant economic growth for working and middle class households” is too absolute. Real median household income (Census, inflation-adjusted) rose from the low-to-mid $60k range in the mid-1980s to roughly $83–84k in 2024 dollars—on the order of 30–40% over four decades. Household composition changed (more dual earners, later marriage, immigration, smaller average household size), so household medians and individual wages tell different stories. Consumption and material living standards also rose. Calling the entire post-1980 record “no rising of all boats” and “never independently verified” ignores the 1980s recovery from stagflation, the 1990s expansion, and later tight-labor-market wage gains at the bottom.


The reply treats 1981–present as one continuous supply-side regime. Rates were cut, then raised (1990, 1993), then cut again (2001, 2003, 2017), with large spending changes, monetary policy, trade, technology, and demographics in between. Kennedy’s cut (91% to 70%) and the 1920s cuts are different animals from later ones; lumping them together as “none of it ever worked” skips the growth that followed those earlier episodes even if inequality and later fiscal outcomes were mixed.


Equating supply-siders with socialists as identically “failed” and “only benefiting the very top” is forum rhetoric, not a tight comparison. High-rate environments have their own documented problems (avoidance, capital flight, reduced labor supply at the top). The data do not show that only the top gained; they show the top gained more, with slower and more uneven gains below.


Style and fit​


The post is written in the house style of that board: direct, personal (“you supply siders”), a couple of typos (“he’ll,” “Champaign”), and a demand for independent verification rather than a table of numbers. It does not quote specific series or dates. The #3 reply (waste, fraud, “the entire system needs an enema”) sidesteps Mott’s distribution and cost-of-living points instead of answering them.


Net: Mott’s reply is a usable counter to an unqualified “tax cuts lift all boats” claim. It is directionally correct on wage-productivity decoupling, relative prices of housing/education/health, and the rise in top shares. It is weaker as a total dismissal of every rate-cut episode and as a claim of literal 40-year household-income stagnation. A tighter version would separate household vs. individual wages, note composition effects, and concede that some periods after cuts showed faster growth than the 1970s stagflation baseline—while still insisting the gains were skewed and that certain costs exploded.


 
Oh yeah, let's not pay for things we need like a dumb, misguided college kid on his parents' dime. FYI, the things that taxes normally pay for are failing or can't keep up here in America. Might want to underpin that shit before America literally starts coming apart at the seams. What does giving the rich tax breaks do but make them richer?

Another FYI, the tax cuts for regular Joes always expire, but the ones for the rich don't. Why don't you just admit that the rich are devouring America, and you fucktards just stand there mouth agap waiting for them to piss some of it out your way. More jobs are not being produced; there are no breaks for the little guy. It's all a system for the duped to feed the rich at the expense of everyone else.
 
Oh yeah, let's not pay for things we need like a dumb, misguided college kid on his parents' dime. FYI, the things that taxes normally pay for are failing or can't keep up here in America. Might want to underpin that shit before America literally starts coming apart at the seams. What does giving the rich tax breaks do but make them richer? Another FYI, the tax cuts for regular Joes always expire, but the ones for the rich don't. Why don't you just admit that the rich are devouring America, and you fucktards just stand there mouth agap waiting for them to piss some of it out your way. More jobs are not being produced; there are no breaks for the little guy. It's all a system for the duped to feed the rich at the expense of everyone else.

Jade Dragon’s #5 is a shorter, hotter version of Mott’s critique: taxes fund things that are breaking, rate cuts for the rich just enrich the rich, “regular Joe” cuts expire while the top’s do not, and the system is extraction dressed up as job creation. It is punchier and more moralized than Mott’s post, and weaker as economics.


The post (handle Jade Dragon, tagline “And I’m the one that jaded you”) reads:


Oh yeah, let’s not pay for things we need like a dumb, misguided college kid on his parents’ dime. FYI, the things that taxes normally pay for are failing or can’t keep up here in America. Might want to underpin that shit before America literally starts coming apart at the seams. What does giving the rich tax breaks do but make them richer? Another FYI, the tax cuts for regular Joes always expire, but the ones for the rich don’t. Why don’t you just admit that the rich are devouring America, and you fucktards just stand there mouth agap waiting for them to piss some of it out your way. More jobs are not being produced; there are no breaks for the little guy. It’s all a system for the duped to feed the rich at the expense of everyone else.

What holds up​


Public goods and transfer programs are under strain relative to demand and cost growth: infrastructure condition, K–12 and higher-ed costs, healthcare, and long-run Social Security/Medicare math. That is a fair “underpin the foundation” point even if the causes are mixed (aging, Baumol cost disease, regulation, utilization, and yes, revenue choices).


The TCJA design really did treat individual rate cuts, standard-deduction changes, and many family provisions as temporary (originally through 2025) while the corporate rate cut to 21% was written as permanent. That asymmetry is a real legislative fact and a legitimate political complaint. Later extension fights (including the 2025 bill) do not erase that the original statute baked in a “expire the middle, keep the corporate cut” structure.


After-tax gains from the big modern rate-cut packages have been larger in dollar and percentage terms at the top. That is what CBO/TPC distribution tables consistently show. “Make them richer” is crude, but the incidence is not even.


What does not hold up​


“What does giving the rich tax breaks do but make them richer?” treats investment, realization, and labor-supply responses as zero. They are not huge enough to make cuts self-financing, but they are not zero either. Corporate-rate cuts and expensing change the after-tax return on domestic capital; that is why investment studies of 2017 found some lift even when wage and growth effects were modest.


“More jobs are not being produced” is false as a level statement. Payroll employment and the labor force are far larger than in 1980 or 2000. The better claim is the one Mott was reaching for: job quality, real wage growth for non-college men, and the share of gains going to typical workers have been disappointing relative to productivity and to the promises attached to the cuts.


“Tax cuts for regular Joes always expire, but the ones for the rich don’t” is directionally true of TCJA’s original scoring gimmick, not a law of nature. Payroll-tax holidays, rebate checks, and some middle-class provisions have also been temporary; estate and capital-gains changes have been fought over for decades. Overstating it as “always” invites an easy counterexample.


“No breaks for the little guy” ignores the doubled standard deduction, child tax credit expansion, and lower bottom brackets in 2017—and the fact that the bottom half already pays a small share of federal income tax (the OP’s 3% figure is in the ballpark for income tax, not for payroll + state + excise). The squeeze on the “little guy” is more about housing, health, and college prices plus slow median wage growth than about a large federal income-tax bill.


The devouring-America / “fucktards waiting to be pissed on” frame is mood, not mechanism. It does not distinguish high statutory rates vs. effective rates, income vs. wealth, or labor income vs. capital gains. It also skips the spending side the OP and post #3 keep pounding: transfer and health programs are the long-run budget drivers, not the absence of a 70% top rate.


Style and role in the thread​


This is forum combat, not a brief. It answers Walker’s Kohl’s/Laffer volume analogy with “you’re a sucker,” which is on-brand for Triggered Lizard and will land with people already convinced the game is rigged.


It does not touch Harding/Coolidge/Kennedy/Reagan as separate episodes, does not cite a series, and does not reply to the tax-share numbers in the OP. Next to Mott’s post it is less empirical and more accusatory; next to the “system needs an enema” reply it is the left-populist twin of the same waste-and-rigging story.


Net: Useful as a reminder that temporary-vs-permanent design and top-heavy incidence are real, and that public capacity has not kept up. Weak as a claim that cuts produce no jobs, no middle-class provisions, and only enrichment. The durable parts are the TCJA sunset asymmetry and the cost-of-living / public-goods strain; the rest is heat.
 
Mott the Hoople’s reply is a standard, blunt supply-side critique that lands some real points on distribution and relative prices, but overstates stagnation, treats the last 40–45 years as a single failed experiment, and does not engage the specific historical episodes the OP quoted.


The OP (Truth Detector) posted Scott Walker’s Washington Times column arguing that rate cuts under Harding/Coolidge, Kennedy, and Reagan expanded output and that “low-income earners actually fare better when tax rates are lower on the top.” Mott’s #2 post rejects that as unverified prediction: working- and middle-class real growth has been stagnant for 40+ years, key living costs have risen far faster than CPI, the “rising tide” never showed up, inequality looks like a thinning champagne-glass stem, and supply-siders are therefore in the same boat as socialists—adhering to policies that mainly help the top.


What the reply gets right​


Real median hourly wages for typical workers grew slowly after the late 1970s relative to productivity. EPI-style series put cumulative real median wage growth since 1979 in the high-20s percent range—far below economy-wide productivity. Production/nonsupervisory wage series often look even flatter from the early-1970s peak until the tight labor markets of the late 2010s and post-2020 period. That is the core of the “stagnation for the working and middle class” claim.


Inequality rose. Household Gini moved from the mid-0.34s around 1980 to the low-0.42s recently. Pre-tax top-1% income shares increased; after-tax measures show a smaller but still visible rise. The champagne-glass image is the usual visualization of that concentration. Housing, college sticker prices, and healthcare have outrun general CPI by a wide margin over four decades (tuition and fees often several times CPI). Those relative-price shifts are why a modest rise in measured real income can still feel like no progress for households facing those bills.


Tax cuts of the Reagan/Bush/Trump type have not fully paid for themselves in revenue. Dynamic effects exist (labor supply, realization of capital gains, some investment), but the bulk of the literature finds partial recoupment, not self-financing. Deficits and debt rose after the major rate-cut episodes even when growth was decent. Mott is on solid ground treating “the predictions” as oversold if the prediction was that the middle would share equally in the gains and that the fiscal math would close.


Where it overreaches​


“Stagnant economic growth for working and middle class households” is too absolute. Real median household income (Census, inflation-adjusted) rose from the low-to-mid $60k range in the mid-1980s to roughly $83–84k in 2024 dollars—on the order of 30–40% over four decades. Household composition changed (more dual earners, later marriage, immigration, smaller average household size), so household medians and individual wages tell different stories. Consumption and material living standards also rose. Calling the entire post-1980 record “no rising of all boats” and “never independently verified” ignores the 1980s recovery from stagflation, the 1990s expansion, and later tight-labor-market wage gains at the bottom.


The reply treats 1981–present as one continuous supply-side regime. Rates were cut, then raised (1990, 1993), then cut again (2001, 2003, 2017), with large spending changes, monetary policy, trade, technology, and demographics in between. Kennedy’s cut (91% to 70%) and the 1920s cuts are different animals from later ones; lumping them together as “none of it ever worked” skips the growth that followed those earlier episodes even if inequality and later fiscal outcomes were mixed.


Equating supply-siders with socialists as identically “failed” and “only benefiting the very top” is forum rhetoric, not a tight comparison. High-rate environments have their own documented problems (avoidance, capital flight, reduced labor supply at the top). The data do not show that only the top gained; they show the top gained more, with slower and more uneven gains below.


Style and fit​


The post is written in the house style of that board: direct, personal (“you supply siders”), a couple of typos (“he’ll,” “Champaign”), and a demand for independent verification rather than a table of numbers. It does not quote specific series or dates. The #3 reply (waste, fraud, “the entire system needs an enema”) sidesteps Mott’s distribution and cost-of-living points instead of answering them.


Net: Mott’s reply is a usable counter to an unqualified “tax cuts lift all boats” claim. It is directionally correct on wage-productivity decoupling, relative prices of housing/education/health, and the rise in top shares. It is weaker as a total dismissal of every rate-cut episode and as a claim of literal 40-year household-income stagnation. A tighter version would separate household vs. individual wages, note composition effects, and concede that some periods after cuts showed faster growth than the 1970s stagflation baseline—while still insisting the gains were skewed and that certain costs exploded.


Excellent rebuttal.

My personal position is I would like to see more balanced approach to economic policies that captures the benefits of supply side and demand side policies that minimize the downsides of both.

I would like to see supply side policies that cultivate production and capabilities balanced with demand side shields for targeted cost of living stabilizers.

In this respect I believe that excessively high marginal tax rates are punitive and bad for economic growth but that our current progressive tax rates are pretty fair though more tax cuts for middle and working class people in which consumer spending would drive economic growth. Having said that tax rates are only one part of the problem.
 
Excellent rebuttal. My personal position is I would like to see more balanced approach to economic policies that captures the benefits of supply side and demand side policies that minimize the downsides of both. I would like to see supply side policies that cultivate production and capabilities balanced with demand side shields for targeted cost of living stabilizers. In this respect I believe that excessively high marginal tax rates are punitive and bad for economic growth but that our current progressive tax rates are pretty fair though more tax cuts for middle and working class people in which consumer spending would drive economic growth. Having said that tax rates are only one part of the problem.

You still do not specify which historical episodes count as evidence. If high marginals are bad and current rates are fair, the Harding/Coolidge/Kennedy/Reagan stories in the OP need a sentence each: what worked, what was coincidence, what was spending. “Shields for targeted cost of living” is a slogan until it is zoning, health prices, or tuition—not another transfer layered on the same cost drivers.
 
I am so tired of the ignorant leftists and their clamor for autocratic Marxist Government control and claim they need to tax billionaires to balance their budgets.

Nothing could be further from the truth. The budget is heading towards $7 trillion. If you taxed ALL of the income of every billionaire in the country it wouldn't cover it.

The top 1% in the country pay 40% of all federal income taxes.

The top 10% pay 70%.

The bottom 50% pay 3%.

We do not have a revenue problem. We have a SPENDING problem. A lesson leftists appear to be too stupid to comprehend.

Tax cuts, not hikes, raise the tide for all

President Ronald Reagan made history 45 years ago when he signed the largest tax cuts ever at his beloved California Rancho del Cielo. His actions were part of a major economic boom that lasted well past his presidency into the next decade.

Prior to his election in 1980, Americans faced stagflation, a mixture of stagnant economic growth, very high unemployment and rapidly increasing inflation. Typically, inflation and unemployment move in different directions, but both rose dramatically during President Jimmy Carter’s administration.


During the 1980 campaign, candidate Reagan made this issue the centerpiece when asking Americans if they were better off than they had been four years earlier. They were not.

Reagan told people: “Recession is when your neighbor loses his job. Depression is when you lose yours. And recovery is when Jimmy Carter loses his.”

The voters responded, with Reagan carrying 40 of the 50 states. It was a blowout that gave him a resounding mandate. He used it to take swift action, including passage of his tax cuts with the support of many Democrats, who held the majority in the U.S. House of Representatives.


The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 was signed on August 13 of that year. It lowered federal income tax brackets across the board by about 25%. Prior to the reductions, the top marginal income tax rate was 70%. When combined with the Reagan tax cuts five years later, the top rate went down to 28%.

President John F. Kennedy had pushed for similar tax cuts two decades earlier. His plan was passed in 1964 and moved the highest income bracket from 91% to 70%. The lowest income bracket fell from 20% to 14%.

The original income tax cut champions were President Warren Harding and President Calvin Coolidge, who took over after Warren’s death. They slashed the top marginal rates down to 25% a century ago. The Roaring ’20s saw robust economic expansion, reduced unemployment and federal budget surpluses. That would be something to see today.

Dr. Arthur Laffer frequently speaks with students through a partnership with Young America’s Foundation. A key economic adviser to Reagan, he is considered the father of supply-side economics, which holds that economic growth comes from making more goods and services. Lower taxes and less red tape help businesses produce more.

The extensive research of Dr. Laffer and his colleagues showed that high taxes caused capital flight, stagnation and tax avoidance as earners shifted their focus away from real economic activity.

In contrast, good things happened during the era of tax cuts pushed by Presidents Harding, Coolidge, Kennedy and Reagan.

Dr. Laffer has consistently argued that high tax rates crush productivity and shrink the tax base, while tax cuts spur output, employment and overall prosperity by rewarding production and investment. His explanation of the sweet spot for taxation is commonly referred to as the “Laffer Curve.”

Here in Wisconsin, we call it the Kohl’s Curve. In fact, I was at the Kohl’s store near our home in Delafield tonight with my wife, who was returning a few items she purchased via Amazon and buying some other items.

Years ago, I learned from Tonette to wait to buy things at Kohl’s until they’ve gone on sale. Then we have used a coupon to drop the price further. Often, we lower the cost even more with something called Kohl’s Cash.

How does a major retailer like Kohl’s make any money if it keeps lowering the price of merchandise? Volume.

Kohl’s and other retailers could keep prices high and make more money per product — but sell a small number of items. Or it can lower the price, making less per product but more overall by dramatically increasing sales volume. Most successful retainers fit into the second category. Hence, the Kohl’s Curve.

Lowering tax rates puts more money into the hands of people who invest those dollars into more jobs, higher pay and greater productivity. Dr. Laffer notes that history shows that low-income earners actually fare better when tax rates are lower on the top income brackets. They fare worse when these go up.

As Dr. Laffer states, these are not opinions; they are the facts. Think about them the next time a democratic socialist launches into a “Tax the rich” tirade.

We need to teach high school students basic economics (along with objective American and world history) so they can make informed decisions — and not solely emotional ones.




capitalism doesn't raise all ships.

that only happened because of unions.

:truestory:
 
You still do not specify which historical episodes count as evidence. If high marginals are bad and current rates are fair, the Harding/Coolidge/Kennedy/Reagan stories in the OP need a sentence each: what worked, what was coincidence, what was spending. “Shields for targeted cost of living” is a slogan until it is zoning, health prices, or tuition—not another transfer layered on the same cost drivers.
I can’t or rather I’m too lazy to use AI to research those good counterpoints myself. I find those interesting. Can you provide more information on those points? I’m curious.
 
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