Seems like the whole world is dealing with the same problems

Leftist power transfer in the West does not work by force in the streets.

There is no attack on the Winter Palace in the West, only because that would not work.

The Western left works in schools, HR, newsrooms, and the civil service teaching gullible people to redefine property, family, national borders, history, and merit as "oppression".

The indoctrinated individual then either works to dismantle societal norms while feeling virtuous, or they tacitly assent.

They can believe they are acting alone, on their own initiative.

That is why “I don’t know anyone who wants to tear society down” is the wrong answer.

The successful version of subversion never announces itself.
 
Leftist power transfer in the West does not work by force in the streets.

There is no attack on the Winter Palace in the West, only because that would not work.

The Western left works in schools, HR, newsrooms, and the civil service teaching gullible people to redefine property, family, national borders, history, and merit as "oppression".

The indoctrinated individual then either works to dismantle societal norms while feeling virtuous, or they tacitly assent.

They can believe they are acting alone, on their own initiative.

That is why “I don’t know anyone who wants to tear society down” is the wrong answer.

The successful version of subversion never announces itself.
^^Spam
 
FIne. Be pedantic. Most interesting part of it.
Look, you are not bright enough to ask questions.
The book is basically a long pamphlet extolling virtues of socialism and how it leads to communism. Mostly about people organizing into unions and inevitability of communism.
 
Look, you are not bright enough to ask questions.
The book is basically a long pamphlet extolling virtues of socialism and how it leads to communism. Mostly about people organizing into unions and inevitability of communism.
A non-answer. You fail Communism 101. Take a remedial course and this time read the textbook.
 
It is not a textbook you moron.
At the risk of being obvious...

youre-a-freakin-idiot-stupid-gif-2mqnxoycsjdidbs6.gif


meta·phor
[ˈmɛtəfə, ˈmɛtəfɔː]
noun
metaphor (noun)
metaphors (plural noun)

  1. a figure of speech in which a word or phrase is applied to an object or action to which it is not literally applicable

OIP.NiZkrDCWLA4TBjy3t_EZuAHaEK


I used pictures because it pushes your buttons.
 
Paul-Michel Foucault, known as Michel Foucault, was a French philosopher, literary critic, and historian of ideas who analyzed the relationships between power, knowledge, and liberty, and how they are used as a form of social control through institutions.


Foucault is the third landmine in the same terrain.


Althusser asked how subjects keep working by themselves.
Gramsci asked how a class of indoctrinaires makes its story feel like common sense.
Foucault asked how power produces the subjects who then police themselves.


He was not a state-and-class theorist in the Marxist sense.

He treated power as a relation that runs through institutions, expert knowledge, and everyday practices — not a thing a ruling class “has” and then applies.


The break with the old picture​


The inherited picture (liberal and Marxist) is the repressive hypothesis: power says no.


The king forbids, the law punishes, the police arrest. Power is a possession at the top.


Foucault’s claim: modern power is also productive. It makes bodies useful, makes populations countable, makes people into kinds of subjects (the student, the patient, the deviant, the professional). It does not only crush. It trains, classifies, examines, and induces self-surveillance.


Power is capillary. It does not only descend from the palace, like blood pulsing from a heart through an artery.

It operates at the extremities: the classroom, the clinic, the barracks, the office, the form you fill out, the metric you internalize.


Three overlapping regimes​


1. Sovereign power

The old form. The right to take life or let live. Spectacle: the scaffold, the public execution. Visible, discontinuous, expensive.

2. Disciplinary power (Discipline and Punish, 1975)

A prison is the emblem, but the technique migrates: school, factory, hospital, army.


Tools:

  • enclosure and partitioning of space
  • timetable and control of activity
  • hierarchical observation
  • normalizing judgment (the exam, the grade, the case file)
  • the Panopticon: you know you may be watched at any moment, so you watch yourself

The individual is not what power finds. The individual is what discipline fabricates — a docile, useful body. Discipline reduces the body as a political force and maximizes it as a useful force.


3. Biopower / biopolitics (History of Sexuality Vol. 1; Society Must Be Defended)

Power aimed at life and at the population: birth rates, health, longevity, sexuality, hygiene, risk.

There are two poles:


  • anatomo-politics of the individual body (discipline)
  • biopolitics of the species body (statistics, public health, demography, welfare, later HR and public-health campaigns)


Sovereign power was “take life or let live.”


Biopower is “make live and let die.”


The "correct" expert, the altered statistic, the redefined category, the consensus program replace the scaffold and the electric chair as the typical instrument of punishment.


Knowledge/power​


There is no innocent knowledge standing outside power. Not knowing is not an excuse. Ignorance is no defense. Denial will not exculpate you.

Discourses — psychiatry, criminology, pedagogy, sexology, later DEI metrics and “equity” dashboards — constitute the objects they claim to describe. The examination does not merely measure the student. It produces the student as a case.


This is why “who typed the paragraph” is a Foucault-shaped dodge. The interesting question is which discourses and practices are authorized, rewarded, and treated as the normal way to see property, family, borders, history, and merit.


Governmentality​


Later Foucault (Collège de France lectures, late 1970s): the art of governing conduct.


Not only commanding subjects, but managing populations through their freedom — incentives, norms, expertise, “best practices,” the "responsible" person who has internalized the grid.


You are not only told what not to do.


You are trained to want the "right" outcomes and to experience deviation as a personal or moral failure.


How Foucault fits in with Althusser and Gramsci​


AlthusserGramsciFoucault
UnitIdeological State ApparatusCivil society / hegemonic apparatusDispositif (apparatus of practices + knowledge)
MechanismInterpellation: “Hey, you there!”Common sense / consentDiscipline + biopower + self-surveillance
SchoolDominant ISATrench of the war of positionDisciplinary institution that produces the examinable subject
SubjectWorks all by himselfExperiences the order as normalWatches himself; becomes the overseer
Strategy impliedCapture the apparatusesWar of position, organic intellectualsChange the discourses and the micro-practices that make subjects



My original list — property as exploitation, family as patriarchy, nation as exclusion, history as original sin, merit as privilege — is a change in discourse.


Once those descriptions are the only "authorized" knowledge in schools, HR, newsrooms, and the civil service, people do not need a commissar.


They grade, hire, publish, and police themselves inside the new grid.


That is disciplinary + governmental power, not only ideology in Althusser’s sense and not only hegemony in Gramsci’s.
 
A non-answer. You fail Communism 101. Take a remedial course and this time read the textbook.
Do you even
At the risk of being obvious...

youre-a-freakin-idiot-stupid-gif-2mqnxoycsjdidbs6.gif


meta·phor
[ˈmɛtəfə, ˈmɛtəfɔː]
noun
metaphor (noun)
metaphors (plural noun)

  1. a figure of speech in which a word or phrase is applied to an object or action to which it is not literally applicable

OIP.NiZkrDCWLA4TBjy3t_EZuAHaEK


I used pictures because it pushes your buttons.
pictures again
 
The useful idiot is not the strategist.


He is the person who repeats the moral vocabulary — abolition, equity, restorative this, decolonize that — without owning the institutions that have to be smashed or restaffed for the vocabulary to win.


When the campaign is still a war of position, he is useful: he supplies numbers, decency, and the line “I don’t know anyone who wants that.”


When the campaign needs a war of maneuver, he is surplus. He thought the goodies would survive the shell.


Hume’s melt is the first stage, not the last: demand evidence, deny the mechanism, attack the messenger, then treat the whole thing as illegitimate.


That is how someone protects a common sense that is already slipping. It is not how someone examines what leftist ideology actually does to crime, schools, or the civil service.


He will never understand the hit. The people who staff the offices already do. The rest find out when the policy is no longer a slogan.


They are told to turn and face the wall by the triumphant revolutionaries or they are erased by criminals let loose by the policies they claimed to be ignorant of.
 
Does anyone actually lookk
The useful idiot is not the strategist.


He is the person who repeats the moral vocabulary — abolition, equity, restorative this, decolonize that — without owning the institutions that have to be smashed or restaffed for the vocabulary to win.


When the campaign is still a war of position, he is useful: he supplies numbers, decency, and the line “I don’t know anyone who wants that.”


When the campaign needs a war of maneuver, he is surplus. He thought the goodies would survive the shell.


Hume’s melt is the first stage, not the last: demand evidence, deny the mechanism, attack the messenger, then treat the whole thing as illegitimate.


That is how someone protects a common sense that is already slipping. It is not how someone examines what leftist ideology actually does to crime, schools, or the civil service.


He will never understand the hit. The people who staff the offices already do. The rest find out when the policy is no longer a slogan.


They are told to turn and face the wall by the triumphant revolutionaries or they are erased by criminals let loose by the policies they claimed to be ignorant of.
^troll
 
Many leftists are like hume who refuse to admit they are liberals. In hume's case, he's more likely to
align himself with the Communists.
Not a communist, which you obviously have no idea what the word means.
Second, I am a leftist. Not a liberal. Again, you are too goddam stupid to know the difference.
 
Not a communist, which you obviously have no idea what the world means.
Second, I am a leftist. Not a liberal. Again, you are too goddam stupid to know the difference.
There's no difference between a liberal and a leftist, just like there's no difference between a commie and a DSA leftist.
 
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